Originally Published by American Thinker
When I was in college back in the
1980s, a couple of new degree programs, Women’s Studies and Afro-American
Studies, were starting to gain in popularity. The purpose of these programs, everyone knew
perfectly well, was to advance the cause of political activism for these two
demographic groups. Activism isn’t
necessarily a bad thing. Without a
doubt, there really had been barriers to women’s advancement, more social than
legal, but by the 1980s these were clearly fading – more as the result of the
huge number of women advancing themselves than as the result of the
efforts of radical feminists. Similarly,
there had also been genuinely oppressive Jim Crow laws constraining black
Americans, but those laws had been almost entirely knocked down in the 1950s
and 60s. America of the 1980s was not a
perfectly gender-blind or color-blind society, but we were clearly on the right
track. True sexism and racism were well
on the decline. But along with the real
progress there came a class of professional progressive activists. Their more courageous predecessors having all
but won the war, this new generation of reformers established permanent
institutions in academia to re-fight it.
Never mind the notable lack of sexist or racist stalwarts in authority
to oppose. If an activist runs out of
enemies, it is no great challenge to reinvent them.
An institution of reform has the
same core priority as any other institution.
That priority is to survive and grow.
Institutions provide good jobs for the people who make the decisions,
promote the cause, and shuffle the paper.
I have often suspected that if a scientist arrived in the lobby of the
American Cancer Society with a cure for all forms of cancer, the managing
director’s first impulse would be to jump for joy – but a moment’s reflection
would reveal the need to take the wretched troublemaker to the basement and
beat him to death. What’s the American
Cancer Society without Cancer? And what’s
an activist without a cause?
Not wanting to be called either
racist or sexist (the postmodernist equivalent to being accused of witchcraft)
university administrations were not inclined to hold their new activist
programs to any sort of standards.
Whatever inflammatory theories emerged from them might have been greeted
with an inward cringe – but this absolutely had to be accompanied with an
outward nod of approval. The phrases “moral
courage” and “university administration” rarely come together in a single
sentence.
One of the early products of this
new activism was the feminist Susan Brownmiller’s concept of a culture of
rape. In Brownmiller’s view, rape is
not primarily a crime of an unrestrained sexual impulse, but is instead an
assertion of power. It is not the
personal violation of one individual by another, but is instead a political act
– an expression of all men’s collective desire to oppress all women. This strange idea annoyed me from the
start. To begin with, I had never been
invited to the secret meeting in which all of the planet’s men had voted to
embark on such a brutish plan. More to
the point, it was simply counter to the obvious facts. Real rapists are morally deficient, either
for uniquely individual reasons, or because they are members of some nameable
degenerate or barbaric culture. The
barbaric culture that is currently overrunning Europe leaps to mind. Does any sane person really think that what
is going through a rapist’s mind is: “I feel an overwhelming urge to assert
collective male dominance over women”?
Decent men are quite resentful at being lumped into the collective “men”
so that they can be held jointly accountable with genuine predators with whom
they have little in common, and over whom they have no control. But preposterous ideas like this one suite
the activist’s purposes. Brownmiller’s
theory has two characteristics we have now seen repeated as a kind of
formula. First, any critique of the
theory brands you as part of the problem – a unfeeling and reactionary
troglodyte whose views only offer proof of the theory’s correctness. Second, the theory singles out no actionable
causes, but simply drives an ugly wedge between two, largely artificial,
classes. True, there really were men and
women in 1975 when Brownmiller published her book (now, even the basic division
of humanity into two simple genders is considered oppression) – but there never
was a polity of “all men” as distinct from a polity of “all women.” Whether Brownmiller or some more
straightforwardly political radical like Alinsky made this blueprint is a
matter of academic interest – if you’ll forgive the play on words. Either way, the pattern was set.
Academia has a special place in
society as one of very few institutions expected to define and promulgate
truth. The more secular a society
becomes, the more academia holds that power alone. That is why the decline in standards of
evidence within any branch of academia is so damaging. Politics has always been the domain of liars
and demagogues. It has been the twin
bulwarks of religious moral principle and hard, substantiated facts that have
held politics in check in modern times.
We now live in a society where truths are no longer buttressed by
either. If tenured professors are not
interested in facts, we should not be too surprised that no one else is. Contemporary academic standards are not
those of the hard sciences. Instead,
they are the soft standards of liberal arts – not of physics and chemistry, but
of literature and narrative. The
question is no longer “Is it true?,” but “Does it make a compelling story?” “Does it stir the audience’s feelings?” “Does it have clear-cut heroes and clear-cut
villains?” This shift explains not only
the weird synthesis of news with entertainment, but the equally bizarre
prevalence of celebrity activism. Why
would anyone, thinking rationally, care what a sadism-obsessed deviant like
Quentin Tarantino has to say about political or social issues? People care because we live in a society
without rational standards. We do not
have “credible authorities” – we only have “opinion makers.”
The government we are currently
saddled with is saturated with officials from my generation. We were taught, however subtly, that the
standards of truth to which people should be held accountable depend on who
they are and what they happen to be saying.
The grievances of minority groups, for example, can simply not be
questioned. The grievances of
non-minority groups (white southerners are a perennial favorite) can be
immediately reviled and dismissed.
Racism is back with a vengeance – the difference is that now you will be
called racist if you attempt to point it out. Relevant objective facts, like the prevalence
of black-on-black crime, are excluded from consideration. Politically acceptable “truth” isn’t to be
found in facts, but simply in the recitation of the narrative.
If the current state of things is
terrible, the possibilities for the future are nearly unimaginable. What would happen if the self-indulgent,
sexually ambiguous thumb-suckers that inhabit university safe-spaces today,
demanding trigger warnings so that their hypersensitive feeling aren’t
scratched by anything factual, find their way into positions of real
authority? These monsters scare even the
liberal Professor Frankensteins who created them. Mercifully, we may never know
what a world run by student cry-bullies would be like – but only because it
will either collapse or change before they manage to ascend to the throne. In times of real scarcity, the people who put
up the front money for university educations (parents, banks, or the Federal
government) will figure out that investing money merely to produce unproductive
narcissists is not only unprofitable, but redundant work. Even the worst middle school in the poorest
inner-city ghetto can make losers out of any human raw material provided, bad
or good. Indeed, contemporary culture
probably produces losers without any educational assistance at all. Even now, the actual demand for
educationally-induced political activism is minuscule. One elite school was all we needed to produce
the narcissistic loser that occupies the White House now – and one of him has
been quite enough to nearly bring the country to its knees.
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